Comment: Cf. also Ag. Bursh. č̌uj, Fit. küj, Burk. ču 'brother', Tsakh. Tsakh. čoǯ 'brother', jiči 'sister', Arch. plur. oš-ob (both for 'brother' and 'sister').
The most archaic form for 'brother' is Ud. wiči < *u_-Včɨj ( = PA *woc:i, PN *wašo etc.). Other Lezghian languages normally reflect a contracted form *čʷɨj. The Shakhdagh and Archi forms reflect a suffixed form *čʷɨj-t:V-u_ (for Archi more suitable is possibly a protoform with a double 1st class marker: *u_-Včɨ-t:V-u_ > uš-du). It is interesting to note a specific reduplicated oblique stem in Tab. and Ag.: Tab. č̌ič:̌i-, Ag. čuč:u- (Fit. k:ük:ü, Burk. č:uč:u-), which is reflected also (already as direct) in Tsakh. čoǯ / čož. For 'sister' some Lezghian languages reflect a prefixed stem *r-ɨčɨj ( = PD *ruc:i, Khin. rɨcɨ), thus Rut. riši, Tsakh. jučɨ / jiči, Arch. doš-dur ( < *r-ɨčɨ-t:V-r, with a double class marker as in 'brother'). Most languages, however, reflect a prefixless stem *čɨj (or, with secondary adjectival suffixation, *čɨj-t:V-r, as Kryz., Bud. šidɨr). The Udi form χun-či is a compound with χun(i) 'female). Again, Tab. and Ag. have a reduplicated oblique base: Tab. čič:u-, Ag. čič:i-.
Comment: Cf. also Ag. Bursh. čaχʷar 'first cousin'. The Rut. (Shinaz) form is cited from Ibragimov, who has recorded there: čuχu-d-did 'stepfather', čurχu-d-nin 'stepmother' - historically "father (did) or mother (nin) of the first cousin (*čʷɨ-χ[a]r)". The first component of this kinship term (Rut. Shin. ču-, Ag. ču-, Arch. še-) can be easily identified with *čʷɨj 'brother', and the word as a whole - with forms like Darg. uzi-q̇ar, Av. wac:-ʕal etc.
The Archi form (šeker-) very likely belongs here to, but the irregular change *-χ- ( < *-q-) to -k- is baffling.
Comment: The oblique base must be reconstructed as *c̣ojɨ- with Ablaut (cf. Lezg. c̣u-, Khl. jɨc̣ɨ-, Tab. c̣i-, Ag. c̣i-, Rut., Kryz. c̣ɨ-; with vowel levelling Tsakh. c̣ajɨ-, Bud. c̣ǝji-). There also must have existed a parallel *-r-base *c̣o(j)-rV-, cf. Arch. loc. c̣ere-qI and the Udi a-r-uχ (originally a plural form). 4th class in all class-distinguishing languages.
Meaning:1 bend, crook 2 catapult 3 latch (in a mouse-trap)
Lezghian:c̣ap-an 2
Tabasaran:c̣ap 1
Kryz:c̣iṗ 3
Comment: In Lezg. the suffixless root is preserved in the Khl. dialect: c̣ap 'button' ( < 'hook, clasp'). The Kryz. vowel is probably explained by Ablaut (reflecting the oblique base *c̣opV-, with later assimilation -p > -ṗ). 4th class in Kryz.
Meaning:1 to scratch, scrape 2 to gnaw 3 scratch (n.)
Lezghian:c̣arχ 3
Tabasaran:c̣a=χ- 1
Agul:c̣urχa- 2 (Bursh.)
Kryz:ṭu=χr-/c̣u=χr-
Comment: An expressive verb (*c̣-, being reinterpreted as an expressive preverb, varies with ṭ- in Kryz.); cf. also Tab. Düb. ca=χ- 'to scrape', ka-ca=χ- 'to gnaw'.
Comment: Cf. also Tab. lit. c̣ih, Düb. c̣ih, Ag. Burk. c̣äħ, Bursh. c̣iħ, Tsakh. Gelm. c̣eʔ, Arch. pl. c̣ah-ur. Obl. base *c̣eha- or *c̣ehe- (cf. Rut. c̣ihi-, Tsakh. c̣ē-/c̣eʔe-). 3d class in all class-distinguishing languages. Another oblique base reconstructable for PL is *c̣eh-rV- reflected in Lezg. c̣ehre-, Tab. c̣ihra-.
See Талибов 1960a, 297; Лексика 1971, 152; Гигинейшвили 1977, 134.
Comment: -j- and -w- are probably class suffixes (-w- postulated on basis of the Arch. form: *c̣enwä- > *c̣emä- > mac̣a-). The Udi form goes back to *c̣enjä- quite regularly, thus the assonance with Az. jeni is coincidental. See Бокарев 1961, 70; Гигинейшвили 1977, 100; Талибов 1980, 296.
